Vi su al I m ag es on M ed i eval and Earl y M od ern Worl d M aps: I conog raphy of the Known and the U nknown

. This interdisciplinary research is focused on visual images on maps of the known world spanning from the medieval to the early modern period. Regardless of their purpose, which could range from ideological representations of the medieval world, as were O or T maps, to practical sailing maps like portolan charts and other early modern nautical charts of the (already known) world in a smaller scale, they carried the standard scope of geo-cartographic data and content. Besides, they offered a rich illustrative component of respectable graphic quality. This depended on the purpose of the map, as well as the geographical knowledge of its author on one hand and on the skill and expertise of its creator on the other. Through this short synchronic and diachronic overview of the icon-ographic elements of Old World maps, especially in respect to Croatian lands, some chronological continuities of cartographic presentation were revealed. The spread of ideas and ideologies communicated and disseminated by these will also be discussed.


Introduction
The Age of Discovery was characterized by the need, as well as the challenge to create newer and more practical cartographic representations of the known world.Through explorations of the New World and its recently discovered continents, the interest of map users and makers started to shift more towards practical knowledge about their geographic characteristics and distances between certain areas than on ideological representations of the known world from the (mainly Christian) theological perspective, prevalent in medieval monastic cartography.In addition to cartographic and geographic information, the symbolism of early modern nautical charts in a smaller scale as well as of new maps of the known world was represented in specific decorative elements or iconographic peculiarities, stemming from the medieval tradition.Additionally, nautical charts from the beginning of the early modern period had additional qualities connected to their utilitarian function providing more precise navigation, such as better orientation possibilities represented by compass roses and rhumb lines.
The main goal of this paper is to evaluate iconographic communication possibilities of decorative visual elements and more complex symbols represented on the medieval and early modern maps and charts ofthe known world, including the nautical charts of the New World, with a special emphasis on the charts representing the territory of today's Croatia. 1 Along with the symbols in mathematical and orientational elements of the maps/charts, the representations of real and imagined territories depended on culturologically acceptable concepts ofspace.The authors have compared the visual elements and representations of spaces from maps and charts of different provenances (from Western European to Venetian and Ottoman) and functions in synchronic and diachronic perspectives, ranging from compass roses, representations of ships, religious imagery such as saints to ethnographic elements or fauna, to decipher their different, especially symbolic, meanings.
Researchers, including art historians, have so far given little attention to decorative content and visual symbolism on maps and charts, focusing mostly on the geographic and purely cartographic content, especially in the case ofthe maps ofthe Mediterranean basin.The aim of our comparison was to find similar communication patterns or collaborative practices even in the mutually opposite interests of different imperial cartographies.Those consisted of using the map as an argumentation or justification ofeconomic pretensions, as well as an expression ofcultural, religious or military interests, with cartographers thus becoming the creators of images of mapped spaces.In this aspect, the role of the division of power, more precisely the territorial jurisdictions and/or economic supremacy over a certain space was important.It is precisely this alternative role ofcommunication possibilities ofa map, along with its primary orientational and navigational function, that is the focus of this paper.On the one hand, the mode in which the visual content changed from the medieval to the early modern period on maps representing various spaces and within different cartographic traditions was also questioned, in view of both the utilitarian (navigational) functions ofthe chosen charts.On the other, the role ofthe map (or chart) as a communication device and historical testimony was investigated.Special emphasis was put, depending on the available sources, on the manner in which the territory oftoday's Croatia was represented (and to which degree this territory was familiar to different cartographers) on the medieval and early modern maps ofthe known world.
2 Methods, Sources and Approach Through the methodological approach of comparative qualitative analysis ofillustrations on the chosen maps and charts certain patterns ofcommunication were identified − more precisely argumentation or even change in perception − of the known world in synchronic and diachronic perspectives.With such an interdisciplinary approach, following the recent historiographic paradigms such as "borderlands history" and integrativeness applied to early modern (or earlier) archival sources, and discursive approach of cultural cartography, neo-cartography and imagology, the use ofchosen visual arts elements regarding the ideology, religion or cartographic tradition to which a particular map (or its author) belonged to was analysed.Thus, the map was viewed as a symbolical visual graphic or an image ofa subjective geographic reality and a historical construct composed of visual and symbolic elements, that never loses its value of cultural representation (Harley and Woodward 1987, XVI, 506).
Among the chosen sources, the visual art elements on early modern portolan charts were analysed in more detail, whereas medieval mappae mundi served as a substrate to investigate the transformation (continuity and discontinuity) of the established visual symbolisms in different cartographic traditions.
2 Kako je problematiku stvaranja slika o prostoru mletačkoga posjeda na obalama Jadranskoga mora u XVI.stoljeću rješavala Mletačka Republika, vidjeti u Juran i dr.(2019,.Širi pregled dosadašnjih istraživanja u području zahtijevao bi zasebni rad.Stoga smo se izabranim naslovima korištene sekundarne literature poslužili da bismo ilustrirali bolje istražene segmente ovog istraživanja. artistic quality and multi-layered pictorial characteristics ofinformation have never been more seriously elaborated.One part ofthis paper is thus aimed towards an iconographic analysis ofmedieval maps, such as the two largest and most prominent dating back to the 13 th century -the mappa mundi from the monastery in Ebstorf (Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte, 1234) in Lower Saxony and the mappa mundi from the cathedral in Hereford (Hereford MappaMundi, 1300;Hereford Cathedral Map, 1300) in England.From the more recent, early modern period, the portolan and nautical charts, as well as world maps of European cartographic schools and Ottoman cartographic production were analysed, among which the best-known is certainly the impressive opus ofPiri Reis. 3   3 Theoretical and Terminological Framework of the Analysis of Images on Maps and Charts The aesthetic component of cartography has evoked the interest ofresearchers relatively recently, being otherwise considered secondary in comparison to scientific and technological aspects of creating and using maps.The scientific tendency to deny the aesthetic value of maps and their potential to communicate, thus reducing them to a model of consistent use by following established rules without the personal, creative input ofa cartographer, has diminished during the recent decades 4 (Karssen 1980: 121).Although the aesthetic value of a map was contained in the experience ofbeauty through the composition and arrangement of elements such as cartographic signs (including dots, lines, areal shapes, textures, colours), cartouches, compass roses, letters, drawings of animal and human characters as well as armorial bearings, it differed nevertheless from the decorativeness and subjectivity ofother art forms in its partial rejection of abstract content and usage of non-standardized symbols.(Mlinarić and Miletić Drder 2017, 24-25).While the search for precision in spatial representations certainly decreases the scope of artistic expression, the global trend ofstandardization in map production was of a later date.First signs of that process appeared in the well-known works of the Renaissance cartographers, caused by their subjective observations.However, it started to flourish in 18 th century map production, which was based on previous land-surveys.One cannot deny the importance offormal aspects in aesthetic evaluation ofmaps, such as line, colour and composition, however, on older maps, especially the earliest ones, the iconographic interpretation of symbols and motives was equally important, surpassing even their aesthetic function.The iconographic method in this work was used to identify, classify and interpret the visual content on the chosen maps and charts in order to decipher their meaning and sense in social and historical context. 5In this case the iconographic analysis of visual symbols on maps aids in clarifying the represented ideas or imagens about the Others/Otherness in analysed cartographic sources, or more precisely, ofthe conceptions of one's own space and the space of Othersthe dichotomy that is equally important in medieval and early modern maps ofdifferent primary functions.
Namely, during the medieval and early modern period, the map is as a depiction of space, as well as an imaginarium, constructed from its author's personal interpretations or as an upgrade to the already known parts oftranscribed geographic reality.It reflected, in part, his religious, ethnic and cultural identity, his vision or representation ofspace and consequently, political programmes and pretensions (Mlinarić and Gregurović 2011, 98).Those cartographic images of cultural representations of foreign lands were "burdened" with complicated ties of cultural positioning and power relations, even in choosing the information they contained, as well as a plethora of connotative meanings that were shaped by the author through his arrangement ofinformation (Škiljan 2006;Dukić et al. 2009).Therefore, spaces and identities represented on maps were testimonies ofspatial organization, as well as knowledge ofnewer geographic information, which could have carried different statuses of diversity and Othernessfrom political allegiances, cultural, ethnic or religious affiliations, age, sex and economic status.To find elements of the author's subjectivity on maps demanded "reading between the lines" of the applied cartographic key, especially if one takes into account the contemporary abundance of discursive possibilities. 6Within the mental conceptualization and reconstruction ofspace on western katedrale u Herefordu (Hereford MappaMundi, 1300;Hereford Cathedral Map, 1300) u Engleskoj.Za kasnija su razdoblja analizirane portulanske karte i pomorske karte, ali i karte svijeta europskih kartografskih škola te one nastale u okvirima osmanske kartografske produkcije unutar koje je reprezentativan opus Pirija Reisa 3 .
5. Diskusija: Konkretno komuniciranje određenih geokartografskih poruka kartografskom likovnošću Grafičke elemente s karata, poput kompasnih ruža, jedrenjaka, svetaca, realističnih ili čudovišnih životinja ili pak (terestričkih) markera na kopnu za orijentaciju u maps, the most prominent symbols were in the service of the worldview, i.e. the redefinition ofhuman presence of Earth, as well as ideologies -religious (Christian or Muslim) and secular (social, related to the social stratification ofthe times, or political).(Mlinarić 2019, 366).The mentioned types of old maps emitted various messages related to their function and available geographic knowledge.Medieval monastic mappae mundi, such as O or T-types, representing the three known continents ofthe Old World7 , such as the Hereford map (Figure 1) were rich in symbols and functioned as a political and cultural education device, or, even more so, a programmatic compendium of (mostly Biblical) knowledge about the known world from a theological perspective.Although, like other maps, they are generic representations meant to aid in spatial understanding of things, concepts, conditions, processes or events (Harley and Woodward 1987, xvi), mappae mundi do not have the utilitarian function typical for maps of representing geographic space and spatial relations as truthfully as possible on a two-dimensional medium in order to simplify orientation and provide more complex insight into geographic features.To fulfil this role, they lack mathematical elements, such as cartographic projection and related coordinate lines and scale.Their focus was primarily on philosophical and religious principles and the didactic role ofteaching the harmony of God's order and creation (Barber and Delano-Smith 2018, 117;Harley and Woodward 1987, 342).Although the specimens of larger dimensions exist, such as the Hereford map, most ofthe maps ofthis type are found in manuscripts.Therefore, their dimensions were small, and they were not detailed, which is why they are not especially informative in the geo-cartographical sense, especially when it comes to mapping land and coastlines (Edson 1997, 11).The Biblical scenes from Christian iconography were especially important, which is why the ideological authority justified such content until the Age ofDiscovery.After this period such maps could not fulfil the task, neither of practical use to sailors on transatlantic journeys, nor the challenge of exploring the New World.When examining the representations of Croatian lands on those earliest maps of the known world, the detail of the Adriatic (Figure 1., detail) confirms their function.Mainly, the Adriatic Sea does not have a recognizable coastline, not even in contours, as its representation serves the ideological imaging of a much wider space, more precisely emphasizing the very important and over-dimensioned Rome in its vicinity, positioned near the centre (Roma caput mundi….).
On a different note, the utilitarian8 purpose of portolan or nautical charts as typical thematic charts is focused on the more precise geographic representation of coastlines and islands, especially the emphasized objects of terrestrial navigation with documented geographic names.The invention of print aided the re-discovery ofthe Antique diagrammed world systems and the renaissance of the Ptolemy's opus precisely in the period of the discovery of the New World, while transoceanic navigation demanded cartographic realism and more precise nautical charts (Barber and Delano-Smith 2018, 125).The mathematical and construction elements such as rhumb lines and coordinate lines were introduced in order to give as precise an image of the Earth's surface (in all of its segments) as possible, while the nautical charts themselves encompass, in a pictorial sense, the informative purpose of the nautical manuals.The complete purpose ofa high-quality map is to make possible the determination of the geographical position and spatial relations among depicted geographical objects.Even though the Renaissance taste necessitated a richer aesthetic quality, and humanistic curiosity along with the commercial needs ofpre-industrial society (ancien régime) the introduction of newer techniques, technologies and information on discovered lands, nautical charts became more concerned with the quality of geographic and spatial preciseness and informativity, putting aesthetics aside.
To conclude, the emphasis on pictorial decoration was inversely proportional to the need for precise geographic documentation of spatial relations.On the contrary, the plovidbi moguće je korelirati u cilju analize različitih komunikacijskih potencijala karte.
5 Discussion: Using Cartographic Pictoriality to Communicate Specific Geo-cartographic Messages Pictorial elements on maps and charts, such as compass roses, ship varieties, figures of saints, real or fantastic animals or terrestrial markers on land used for orientation in maritime navigation, can be correlated to analyse various layers of communication potential of a specific map.
Iconographic motives on medieval world maps (mappae mundi) are illustrations of a wide array of knowledge of their makers, positioned in a way that they thought sensible and that, from the point ofview of semiotics, have many different meanings.The visual images on chosen mappae mundi can be grouped according to their textual base in Biblical and classical scenesboth the mythological and real sites mentioned in sources.The information came from various compendiums ofmedieval knowledge9 based on the then available Antique sources (including Pliny and Herodotus).Not only did the medieval world maps construct the known world according to the medieval compendium ofknowledge, but their role in shaping the identity and feelings of belonging was also very important10 , with a crucial dichotomy between Us and Them in its core, as attested by the positioning of various visual images within the known world.
However, an especially interesting aspect of the Hereford and Ebstrofmappae mundi, which were chosen for analysis as the most representative specimens of medieval monastic cartography, is the abundance of images of animals, real and fantastic, as well as various tribes and ethnicities offictional characteristics that are almost all found in Pliny's Naturalis Historiae.They are mostly located on the edges ofthe known world, in Asia and, to a largest extent, in Africa.In the centre of the map, on the territory of the Christian world familiar to the cartographer, priority is given to the depictions of cities and concrete information about them.The peoples and ethnicities that live close to the ocean's edge and its islands are shown completely nude with emphasized fantastic attributes.Nevertheless, despite standardized content, certain images were sometimes in service ofa completely different mode ofcartographic communication, depending on the context.For example, the city ofJerusalem that on both maps occupies the central position; on the Hereford map it is depicted as a circular fortress with strong walls, while on the Ebstorf map its importance is additionally highlighted with the image of the resurrected Christ triumphally rising from his grave, dressed in white and holding a cross in his left hand.Also, on the Hereford map the Jewish people are depicted as being located close to the Red Sea (marked with the inscription Iudei), they are worshipping the idol Mahun and have emphasized facial features deemed characteristic for this population, demonstrating the author's stereotypical representation ofOthers. 11mong the fantastic animals, one can find unicorn, basilisk and griffin on both maps, as they are the most common animals ofthe medieval bestiaries.The number of real animals is greater on the Ebstorf map, while on the Hereford map one can also see the manticore, mandragora, sphynx, faun, satyrs etc. -repeating again the same model -the animals with the most fantastic characteristics are shown at the world's edges.Taking into account their primary function, one can notice that mappae mundi did strive to reflect the level ofknowledge of their period, as seen in the lack of knowledge on coastlines. 12Although the mysteriousness and exoticism skupinu, te Divljake (Savage) s čudovišnim i neprirodnim karakteristikama nespojivima s funkcioniranjem u uređenom društvu: kanibalizam, golotinja i nedostatak sposobnosti govora.Nadalje, naglašava upravo prostornu komponentu takve Drugosti -civilizacija se širi iz jednog, centralnog mjesta (Jeruzalema, grada, Euro-pe…), a Divljaci nastanjuju njene rubne zone (primjerice Australiju) ili međuprostore (naše šume) (Stazsak 2009, 44-47).U slučaju srednjovjekovnih karata svijeta civilizacija se širi i iz fizičkog središta karte, Jeruzalema, te se prema rubnim zonama povećava koncentracija naroda začudnih karakteristika, dok se Barbare može naći bliže središtu. 13Takav se obrazac nastavlja ponavljati i mnogo kasnije, s tim da se s širenjem oikumene mijenja percepcija poznatih i nepoznatih krajeva, a s njome i diferencijacija Barbara i Divljaka.
of pictorial representations was a standard, it is clear that unicorns are found in places of (seemingly) unknown geographic content, substituted by imaginary and interesting creatures precisley for this reason, which was practiced both as cartographic concept and individual practice.
The process ofmap creation does not consist merely ofconstructing a geographic reality but also a construction ofmeaning (Duncan and Ley 1993, 331).The noticeable opposition between Us and Them in the case of both mappae mundi was already pointed out, the first being the dominant group to which the cartographer and his target audience belong, characterized primarily by their belonging to the Christian world, and the second group consisting of all who do not belong to the first, with precisely those characteristics that separate them being visually emphasized.The term "barbarians" that appears on the Hereford map, has been used since Antiquity to denote groups that are inferior by various characteristics, and it is used even today to mark Otherness.From the 12 th to the 16 th century in the collective conscience of the Christian West this term was used to mark people who are not Christians and who are acting in an "uncivilized" manner (Duncan 1993, 44).Within the category of Others, Staszak differentiates between the group he calls the Barbarians, characterized by the ability to integrate to a certain extent into the dominant group and the second group, the Savages, with monstrous and unnatural characteristics incompatible with civilized society, such as cannibalism, nudity or inability to speak.Furthermore, he emphasizes the spatial component of such Otherness -civilization radiates from one, central place (Jerusalem, a particular city, Europe…) and Savages inhabit its border zones (such as Australia) or interspaces (our forests) (Stazsak 2009, 44-47).Ifone applies this theory to medieval maps, civilization spreads from the physical centre ofthe map, Jerusalem, while on its edges the number of peoples of unusual or fantastic characteristics increases, whereas those that can be called Barbarians, following Staszak's categorization, can be found closer to the centre. 13Such a pattern continues in the following centuries, but with the expansion of the oikumene, the perceptions of known and unknown lands change and consequently the categorizations ofthe Barbarians and Savages.

Iconography on Earliest Maps of The New World -Comparison of Two Different Traditions
Immediately after Columbo's discovery of the New World, two maps were made that are very interesting for comparative analysis.The world map of Castilian navigator Juan de la Cosa (Juan de la Cosa, 1500) and the world map ofOttoman privateer and later admiral, Piri Reis (1513), although made in different traditions, both inherit the medieval visual symbolism in different ways, while introducing some new pictorial elements that will become standard during the later centuries. 14 The map of Juan de la Cosa, with its "Western" representation of the Old World appropriates certain fantastic elements from the medieval mappae mundi, usual for the Old World (Europe, Asia, Africa).The most evident is the image ofGog and Magog -the Biblical legend of the tribes that dwell behind the walls oftheir cities from which they will come out on Judgment Day.During the Middle Ages, this legend was expanded with a detail that Alexander the Great built those cities, and in this version they appeared on the medieval world maps.For example, on both the Ebstorf and Hereford maps Gog and Magog are located at the shores ofthe Caspian Sea -on the Ebstorf map they are marked with an illumination that shows walled-up peoples in actions of cannibalism (Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte, 1234), whereas on the Hereford map only Alexander's wall is depicted closing a mountain pass, and inside ofit there is a long description ofthe various horrors that the place inhabited by evil sons of Cain holds. 15In the case ofJuan de la Cosa's map, inside of the walled-up space in which the said tribes live, the city is shown, flanked by one Cynocephalus and one Blemmy, the peoples that on medieval mappae mundi are usually shown on remote and unexplored places.On the map of 13 This is evident in examples such as the king of the Ethiopians who is dressed in western costume and stands in contrast to fantastic races located on the other side of the river Nile, across from him.In the medieval period, Ethiopia was regarded favorably, as it was thought to be a Christian kingdom ruled by the mythological king Prester John (Duncan 1993, 48).
14 The primary difference between them and the medieval world maps is the fact that they were made in the nautical tradition in different cultural settings: the de la Cosa map inherits some elements of the Majorcan School (Martín Merás 2000, 75) while the map of Piri Reis stems from the Islamic tradition of illuminated manuscripts of geographical themes (Kitab al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik -Book ofRoads and Kingdoms).However, Reis also introduced many elements from the western tradition of nautical cartography (Pinto 2012, 75).Both maps have a clear utilitarian function, even though their didactic role is also clear. 15Omnia horriblia, see the Hereford Cathedral Map, 1300.
Ipak, i kod Pirija Reisa nalazimo brojne fantastične elemente 19 , za neke od njih je i sam naveo da ih je preuzeo sa starijih mappa mundi.Srednjovjekovna je legenda 17   de la Cosa the detail of the mythical Ethiopian king, Prester John, is also undeniably borrowed from the medieval tradition.Besides him, in Africa, Europe and Asia the many depictions of various rulers are shown who, depending on where they are located geographically, are dressed either in the western or Muslim tradition.They are contrasted by the images ofthe Blemmy and the Cynocephalus from the cities Gog and Magog, located on the edge of the known world, a place out of reach of civilization, where Savages dwell.Unlike Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Asia that Juan de la Cosa marks with various illustrations, both secular and religious 16 , the New World is shown as a land ofinfinite forests, without any symbols.Only the coastal areas are named and illustrated with flags that signify the territorial rule over its segments.The ocean area is filled with symbols -compass roses, ships that carry different flags and winds, personified as human heads.In this manner, de la Cosa's map carefully presents the New World as an unknown and unmarked territory.Its green vastness stands in contrast to the Old World crowded with cities ruled by different kings, being the stage ofmany events, real or fictional, whose roots can be traced to Biblical times.And while on the territory of the Old World the division between Us and Them (i.e. Gog and Magog) is clearly stated, the New World is a blank slate that remains to be filled.The depiction of any pictorial content is avoided, including the assumptions on eventual inhabitants.The positioning of St Christopher, the protector of travellers, as well as the Virgin with Child on the newly discovered territory, along with Spanish flags, ships and the division meridian, suggests that the map strives to communicate the political realities on the newly discovered territory, more precisely establish one own's borders and visually "occupy" this space. 17 The map ofPiri Reis represents, on the other hand, a unique example of an iconographically rich early modern map in the Ottoman tradition that, made in the style of portolan charts, belongs to a different cultural and functional (nautical navigation) milieu.Despite this, it is hard to categorize the map ofReis (Figure 2) among early modern maps precisely because of the multi-faceted information and different interpretative possibilities that it offers, which surpass the established culturological determinants.Moreover, its author is an exception even in the framework ofOttoman cartography.The map is only partially preserved and the part that survives shows the Atlantic Ocean.It contains 58 illustrations, many ofthem depicting live beings, the fact that disputes their avoidance on the maps from the Ottoman period, especially as maps were considered useful in the war against nonbelievers (Saricaoglu 2015, 132-185).
The 1513 map ofthe world holds an abundance ofinscriptions in the Ottoman language that offer additional information and ease of reference.Piri Reis shows various types of ships and almost everyone is accompanied by an inscription on the type ofship or historical events related to it, such as the accidental discovery of the Azores by the Genovese.Piri Reis also provided information on human and animal inhabitants of certain areas.For example, rulers are depicted wearing their traditional costumes with related information: on Ebû Abdullâh el-Kâ'im bi-Emrillâh of Marocco, or Mensa Musa ofMali.Even though depictions ofmany animals belong to the medieval iconographic tradition, the peculiarity of this map are depictions of parrots, which do not have earlier parallels. 18Saricaoglu claims that in the Ottoman tradition parrots are connected to the New World and on Reis' maps they indicate newly discovered areas.
Still, the map of Piri Reis bears many fantastic elements 19 , some of which he claimed he adopted from older mappae mundi.The medieval legend ofthe journey ofSt Brendan is illustrated with a miniature ofa carrack and human characters sitting on the back ofa whale and building a fire, which is described in an accompanying inscription.The most interesting in the context of this paper among the elements ofthe medieval iconographic tradition are the depictions of monstrous races, 16 The religious character of de la Cosa's map is also quite evident: Cavalcade of the Magi and Nativity are depicted, and the entire map is dominated by the image of St Christopher in its westernmost part, incorporated into the New World.The compass rose is in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, and within it a medallion with the Virgin Enthroned with a Child, flanked by two angels. 17According to the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, the 46th meridian west from Greenwich divided the New World between Spanish and Portuguese (Martín Merás 2000, 14).
18 On one of the inscriptions Piri Reis introduces himself and states that as sources in making his map he used, among others, Arabian maps of the world, eight of them, four Portuguese and one Arabian map of India and China and also Columbo's map of the West.(Pinto 2012, 70;Masetti and Veracini 2016, 41). 19The New World as understood by Piri Reis is inhabited by fantastic animals -an ox with a single horn, an antelope with long fangs and a bushy tail, and on Terra Australis there is a horned fox and an ox with six horns for which he states that "Portuguese infidels show it on all of their maps" (Saricaoglu 2015).
Fig. 3 The chart showing the Adriatic Sea, detail, W.
The key difference between the two analysed maps, in our opinion, lies in the fact that the map of Piri Reis has a more enhanced exploratory character, as evidenced by the numerous information that he gives to the reader -the depictions ofships, rulers, real and fantastic humans and animals.The wild and unexplored parts of the world are filled with fantastic creatures, which in this case remained those from Antiquity and the medieval tradition, but they are not located in Africa, India or the rest ofAsia as was the case in medieval cartography, but are moved across the ocean, into the New World, which now adopted the role ofthe wild and unexplored world that, as Reis tries to show, is yet to be explored.It must be emphasized, however, that Reis used as his sources the maps from both the Christian and Islamic milieu to create, as he himselfstated, a unique map.The profession ofPiri Reis as an admiral, as well as his privateering activities in the Mediterranean, demanded that he be well-informed, including collecting information coming from adversaries.Such a choice ofillustrations can be explained as a unique example of syncretism in the cartographic tradition, exemplifying the globalist processes that would initiate the Age of Discoveries, as well as pointing to a completely new understanding ofthe world that would be shaped as a result ofsaid processes.
Along with functional navigational elements, nautical charts preserved some aspects of the medieval cartographic tradition (symbols, saints, Christian motifs) that were carefully balanced with newer geo-cartographic information, content that is necessary for navigation.Those were most often compass roses and rhumb lines, maritime routes or course lines.They, along with compasses, were used to determine the geographic position and course of navigation and in so doing provided orientation in the open sea.The function ofnautical charts positioned them as a crucial new tool for navigation that, along with the compass and astronomical instruments (Jacob's staff, quadrant, astrolabe etc.) enabled sailing far from shore and its terrestrial markers.Along with meridians and parallels, rhumb lines (mathematically constructed net of lines that connected the same direction of winds, 64 of them) have enabled the measure of course, i.e. the recalculation of direction and distance between certain points of a maritime route. 20The initial compass roses, no matter their functionality, were decorated in the Baroque style, often with an abundance ofdetail.On the charts showing the Adriatic, the rich symbolism was also not unusual, with the aesthetics of compass roses especially highlighted.The concrete strategical conflicts between Venice and the Ottomans on the territory ofthe eastern Slika 4. V. D. Volcius, Karta Jadrana, 1 593, (isječak) National Library of Finland, Maps, The Nordenskiöld Map Collection, N, Kt, 1 03b (Novak 2005, 267).Fig. 4 Vincentius Demetrius Volcius, The chart of the Adriatic, 1 593, (detail) National Library of Finland, Maps, The Nordenskiöld Map Collection, N, Kt, 1 03b (Novak 2005, 267).Jedan je od standardnih modela, najčešće korišten među mediteranskim (npr.katalonskim) tvorcima pomorskih karata Jadrana, bilo označavanje sjevera znakom ljiljana (Fleur-de-lis) u kompasnoj ruži (primjer Barentsove karte, slika 3, Barents 1595).Osim toga, na nekim je ružama istok bio označen simbolom križa 21 , smjer Kristova groba (primjer Volčićevih portulanskih karata, slika 4).
Mediterranean and the Adriatic are in some cases reflected in variations ofdetails on compass roses.One ofthe standard models, most often used among the Mediterranean (eg.Catalan) cartographers of the Adriatic was marking north on the compass rose with the symbol of a lily flower (Fleur-de-lis) (like on the Barents chart, Figure 3, Barents 1595).In addition, on some compass roses east was marked with a symbol of the cross 21 , indicating the direction ofChrist's grave (such as portolan charts ofVolcius, Figure 4).
Although this might only be artistic expression and not necessarily related to the original function of the map, it is evident that in addition to the signs of the eight principal winds (as well as half-winds) and the fleur-de-lis marking north, on some compass roses from the Western portolan charts of the Mediterranean east is marked with the symbols ofthe Knights Hospitaller or Templars (Coppo's portolan chart ofthe Adriatic, Figure 5) (Martín-Gil, Martín-Ramos and Martín-Gil 2005, 286).Such religious symbolism is the continuation ofthe use ofChristian iconography from earlier periods, as seen in the depictions ofsaints, oversized churches, symbols of church orders (such as the Templars) and similar content on charts.It was also an amalgamation of old symbols and new navigational utilitarianism that symbolically identified the Adriatic as a part of the European (Mediterranean) navigation basin, sharing the same cultural and economic influences and tradition.This also suggested greater imagological and communicational capacities of illustrations on maps oriented towards a wider circle ofusers.
It is evident that on compass roses of Ottoman authors there are no explicitly religious symbols. 22Even though in some elements Piri Reis follows his Western sources, such as putting the fleur-de-lis in some cases to mark north23 , it is probable that he uses it for purely decorative purposes, without knowing the complex Christian symbolism behind it.Furthermore, he did not use any other, Christian or Islamic, religious symbols in compass roses (Figure 6).
Confrontation of the Christian West, notwithstanding the conflicting interests of the Venetians and the Habsburgs, and the Islamic East during the rule ofSultan Suleiman al Kanuni (the Magnificent) is visible on the maps of the Western tradition, reflected in the way in which the territory that shares the economic, social and cultural tradition along with the Christian faith, and whose integral part was the Eastern Adriatic, is represented.The western political forces did not, in so doing, necessarily differentiate between the canonical jurisdictions on the former Roman territory and expressions of particular political ambitions, evident in the dominant Venetian Republic assuming the role ofthe ruler of the entire Adriatic.Piri Reis, as the representative ofthe Eastern tradition, does not show the same pretentions.Such discrepancy of narratives between western and eastern demonstrations of affiliations shows that in the West the complex communication and image-creating capacities of the map are aimed at a wider or different audience.In such circumstances the Eastern Adriatic territory, strategically positioned between the crescent moon and the cross as symbols ofits rule, represented the clash between the interests of Venice and the Ottoman Empire in the period ofinsecurity, as well as the maintenance ofcomplex mercantile maritime routes between the East and the West.The crossroads of the complex social interactions and differences (on the basis ofpolitical affiliations, class, culture, ethnicity, age, sex, economic power or richness) is evidenced in visual messages on old maps.It is interesting that the work ofthe Ottoman cartographer was influenced by older nautical charts ofthe Mediterranean to a greater extent than classical Islamic miniature cartography that is more similar to medieval non-critical Christian O or T-type maps (Mlinarić 2019, 369).
A different sort of "ancillary" religious decorative symbols can be found on portolan charts of Vincentius Demetrius Volcius (Figure 7a and b).Small images ofthe Virgin, Christ or patron saints are incorporated in the 21 A notable example is Coppo's portolan chart of the Adriatic from 1525 with a cross that marks east on the compass rose (Slukan Altić 2003, 368). 22Reis has in the maps in Kitab-i Bahriye superimposed the geographic content to ideological or political and programmatic information that can be found on contemporary "Western" maps and he did not emphasize the position of Others or attitude towards the space he charts, in which he deviates from early modern interpretations of ideological messages by iconological symbols (Kozličić et al. 2015, 142).Even when he uses symbols, he does it for informative purposes, such as marking secular, military (fortresses) or religious buildings on the Eastern Adriatic coast with the sign of a cross, to note the religious affiliation of its population (Novak and Mlinarić 2005, 340-361).
corners ofcharts to whom sailors could turn for help and protection when facing adversity at sea.There are also other miniatures that serve as pictorial decorations, such as an "allegorical ship ofChristianity" shown on the map ofthe administrative division ofVenetian Dalmatia by the official cartographer ofthe Republic, Vincenzo M. Coronelli.The Ottoman presence in the Dalmatian hinterland is indicated on the map with an appeal for joint resistance of Italian and Croatian Christians to the Muslim enemy in an engaged propaganda message (Coronelli 1690; Mlinarić and Gregurović 2011, 360).
Since the depictions ofships on medieval maps also served as interpretations of Biblical themes (such as Noah's ark on the Ebstorfmap, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte 1234), the informative accuracy of the depictions changed with time and the evolution of cartography, especially in the case ofnautical charts.They depended primarily on the scale of the map (or chart), which is why due to the generalization ofcontent the images of ships were excluded, and when they did appear, they were usually schematic and functioned as decorations on empty spaces ofthe map.Eventually, on the maps of the known world various images ofships started to appear, as on the 1513 Piri Reis map.Although they are stylized and schematic, they do show some difference in type, function, tonnage and origin.Sometime later, the more knowledgeable local cartographers, such as Italians Pinargenti or Camocio put illustrations of sailing ships with information on their size and function on their maps of the Adriatic (Kozličić 1995, 123,138-139;Camocio 1571).
Early modern maps of Croatian lands usually communicated ideological or political pretensions in various ways through their visual imagery, including the imperialistic tendencies of Venetian or Austrian cartography.Those tendencies were usually expressed with visual "occupation" ofthe space on the map that at the time was not under the rule of the nation the cartographer belonged to (Mlinarić and Miletić Drder 2017, 48-49).On the Eastern Mediterranean, the iconographic elements (flags, weapons ofwar, ethnic (folk) costumes etc.) spanning from those on the graphic scale to the more frequent ones incorporated in title cartouches, reminded of the long-lasting conflicts between the Christians and the Muslims."Western" cartographers emphasized the classical (Roman) identity of the Adriatic, the medieval Christian kingdoms and the Mediterranean or Central European identity and affiliation of the Croatian lands up until the late 18th century, at the same time refusing to acknowledge the Ottoman neighbours as a military and strategic threat of the early modern period.
When mapping new and unknown lands, the fear of the unknown was an important aspect of this process.Along with the images of unusual world of flora and fauna, the representations of humans carried the information on people inhabiting certain territories.On the medieval maps in the Biblical tradition, the authors use images of religious or mythological characters, monstruous and hybrid humans on parts ofthe African continent as an identification model for expressing alterity based on ethnological information and different categorization of the exotic. 24Usually, such images characterized distant and unknown lands, such as the southernmost continent (Antipodes).The symbolism of such mythological depictions was used to signify different climates and other physical prerequisites that differentiated Europeans from the peoples of the New World who are not only Others and different 25 , but sometimes also frightening (inhabitants of eastern Africa with canine heads or characters of Piri Reis in Brazil) 26 .This could also be used to justify the need for missionary expeditions to baptize and familiarize those exotic and "wild" indigenous peoples (Harley and Woodward 1987, 332).However, with time the epithet of new and unknown transferred from one object ofinterest to another.With the discovery of new continents, the exotic and ultimate Others became peoples who inhabited lands increasingly further from Europe, so Ortelius or Piri Reis locate them in South America or closer to the Poles 27 Unlike, for example the Venetians, cartographers less acquainted with the Adriatic Sea, such as Willem 24 For the mentioned example of the Jewish idol Mahun on the Hereford map, see (Higgs Strickland 2019, 61;Škiljan 2006, 64). 25 Volcius maps only on one of his nautical charts of Mediterranean and the Black Sea from 1596 the ethnographic characteristics of costumes of inhabitants on the shores (Novak 2005, 272).DeWitt also orientalised the Ottoman soldiers through vivid colours and specific details on their costumes in a very richly decorated title cartouche on his nautical chart of the eastern Mediterranean from 1690 (ZN-P-XVII-WIT-1690), as a reminder of recent military campaigns against them (Mlinarić and Miletić Drder 2017, 148). 26It has to be noted that cynocephali were classified as apes in Antique sources, see (McDermott 1938, 36-37) so in this example they could have been used to illustrate the presence of such species, still fairly unknown to Europeans. 27In a way similar to imagining and mapping of monstruous fishes in the waters of Pacific, unknown waters of Antarctica or hardly accessible territories on the North.Examples are the map of the known world by Hondius from 1630 and the map by Ortelius from 1709 (Škiljan 2006, 24-25, 52;Kozličić 1995, 98, 109, 115-117).
Barents, considered this area equally exotic, so he put gigantic monstruous sea creatures in its waters 28 .On a similar note, on the map of Istria by Bertius, the depiction ofa sea monster in its territorial waters indicates it as "wild and unknown territory", at least to a part of Dutch map 29 .On the other hand, the authority such as Gerhard Mercator highlighted his interest for the Adriatic with depictions of equally random decorative sailing ships 30 , but at least he did not try to scare his readers with frightening monsters (Kozličić 1995, 174-179, 201).The analysis of the chosen maps has shown that up until the 18 th century imperial cartographic traditions used the visual perceptions of Otherness as defined above, in the forms of Barbarians or Savages, which could through this technique be alienated from civilized society and exoticized as unknown and different, and even be completely socially excluded.

Conclusion
This interdisciplinary research on the diachronic and synchronic level showed the evolution of visual motifs and symbols originating from medieval maps of the known world (mappae mundi) on early modern maps of the world, with a special emphasis on the Croatian territory.Along with medieval maps from Ebstorf and Hereford, the earliest early modern maps ofthe world ofthe nautical tradition -the map of Castilian cartographer Juan de la Cosa and Ottoman admiral Piri Reis were also used as primary sources, viewed as examples of different cartographic traditions mapping the same space, using similar elements but with different intentions.By conducting a qualitative analysis, a cartographic comparison of the mentioned sources and other early modern maps was used that are in a cultural sense tied to the Northeastern Adriatic area -portolan charts ofVincentius Demetrius Volcius and Pietro Coppo, as well as the maps of Venetian cartographers Coronelli, Barents and Bertius.
The analytical part ofour research can be divided into two segments -the first is a synchronic analysis of the maps ofthe Old and New World stemming from different cartographic traditions.The maps of Juan de la Cosa and Piri Reis were created approximately at the same time, at the beginning ofthe 16 th century.A comparison oficonographic elements has shown that both cartographers borrowed heavily from the Western medieval tradition, as evidenced by using iconographic motifs of monstrous races.A detailed analysis has shown that the medieval motifs that were borrowed from bestiaries found also on contemporary mappae mundi were mostly used to denote the wilderness, unknowingness and "Otherness" of a certain space.Even though the map ofJuan de la Cosa, made in the western, Christian tradition inherited other elements ofmedieval Christian cartography, they are mostly reserved for the space ofAfrica and Asia (i.e.parts ofthe Old World), continuing thereby the traditional practice of their mapping.In contrast to the already known continents, the cartographer depicted the New World as a vast space meticulously marked by flags and ships suggesting political, i.e. imperial pretensions of the author and the cartographic tradition in which he was formed.Piri Reis denotes the wilderness ofSouth America in a similar, medieval manner, as a space that is yet to be explored.His intention was to make a didactic map, as evidenced through depictions of other animals, mainly birds and different types of ships, accompanied by an abundance of inscriptions that give additional information to the reader.
The second part of the diachronic analysis focused on most frequent and iconographically most informative pictorial elements on early modern charts ofthe 16 th and 17 th centuries, which also borrow from the medieval cartographic tradition in ideological (Christian) positioning within the space ofthe known world.Examples are fantastic animals that on those maps retain a purely decorative role of filling the empty spaces.They are combined with a much subtler role ofmarking the wild and undiscovered territories of the New World and requirements ofthe new, utilitarian navigational purpose of nautical charts, as seen in richly decorated compass roses and rhumb lines.The choice of visual images depended not only on map (chart) purpose and users, but also on the available geographic knowledge on one hand and the expertise ofits author on the other.It was 28 Even though it cannot be excluded that the map was decorated without any additional purpose beside the aesthetic one, it has to be noted that the nautical chart of the Adriatic in 1595 was made also by W. Barents (Fig. 3).He mapped the sea monsters in the waters of central Adriatic, on "the easternmost edge of Europe", on the border with the influence of the Ottoman enemy.Since he was one of rare authors that mapped sea depths in that area, this can hardly be explained by not knowing this space or a lack of consultations of the available Italian charts, but with the author's perception ofthe Adriatic as a wild, untamed territory. 29In using different pictorial motifs on maps and their "mental triangulation", especially if the map had more interpretative layers, the influence of inherited, but also acquired perceptions and attitudes on spaces and people could always be recognized (Robinson 1992, 42-43). 30Because the map always represented the conceptual model of a terrain projected on paper and enabled recalculations, it does not allow for empty spaces, so they were most often filled with imaginary pictorial content.
precisely through the decoration of geographic-nautical elements that the political and religious messages were communicated, mostly focused on marking one's own space contrary to the space of the Others.One example is placing the images ofsaints inside compass roses or decorative cartouches on maps, or even in more subtle details -choosing the fleur-de-lis symbol or the symbol of a cross to mark north on a compass (or east in some cases).Such visual marking of one's own space is especially evident on examples of Venetian charts of the Adriatic in the chosen period, when religious and political domination against the Ottoman enemy was marked with an emphasis on Christian motifs and depictions ofthe Others as less civilized Barbarians -in ethnic costumes and with strange, blasphemous gestures.The depictions of fantastic sea monsters or ships were a separate category, as in the Western tradition they maintain a mostly decorative function, although some images of ships contribute to a general didactic role ofthe map.The conducted analysis ofthe visual images on maps has proven itselfas a useful upgrade to imagological research of early modern maps.Based on the chosen examples, it was determined that, notwithstanding the conflicting narratives of different epochs or cartographic traditions (western European/Christian and Ottoman/Muslim), they reflect many similarities and continuities in using iconography to depict the known world and exotic imagology as a substitute to real geographic information in depicting the unknown Others.tekstualna pojašnjenja koja čitatelju daju dodatne informacije o sadržaju karte.

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Communication Potential of Medieval Programmatic Maps of the Known World (mappae mundi) and Early Modern Nautical Charts